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Chapter 5.
February
1875
– August 1899
"The Evidence Further Amendment Act:
'declarations in lieu of oaths permitted.'"
Richmond River (Bundjalung Nation) Tribe members, 1865
[Source: Oakes, M.J., The Aborigines of the Richmond Area (Richmond River Historical Society, Pamphlet No. 2]
Documents
1875
09/02/1875-21/03/1877 GOVERNMENT: John (later Sir John) Robertson, Premier (Liberal) See: Sir John Robertson and land reforms )
1876
Select
Committee on the condition of the Aborigines
Checklist of Royal Commissions Select Committees of Parliament and Boards of Inquiry, Index NSW 1855-1960; "304. SC (Select Committee) on condition of the aborigines. (19.12. 1876) These Documents are missing from the archives.
Aboriginal evidence
Go to: Evidence Further Amendment Act 1876 (40 Vic. No. 8); declarations in lieu of oaths permitted
"Fresh
Blood, Old Wounds": Tasmania and Guns
1877
18/12/1877-6/12/1878 GOVERNMENT: Farnell, James Squire, Premier (Conservative)
JS Farnell, secretary for lands
"In 1872-75 Farnell was secretary for lands in Henry Parkes's first government. In 1872-73 he bore the brunt of the rush for mineral leases and dealt with applications for three-quarters of a million acres ... In 1877 ... as the secretary for lands, became the first native-born prime minister of New South Wales ..."
Royal Commission into "the present condition of the Aborigines"
"In
1877 a Royal Commission was appointed 'to inquire into the present condition of
the aborigines of the colony, and advise as to the best means of caring for and
dealing with them in the future.' "[Whitworth. Mr
R.P.; The Treatment of the Aboriginals-1838 to 1847in Victoria
and Its Metropolis (Melbourne, 1888) Page 253
1880
Parliamentary Votes and Proceedings, "Aboriginal natives"
Legislative
Council, Wednesday 30 June,1880
Aboriginal
Natives
June 3rd
1880
Appointment of protectors of the blacks
.. protection of the aboriginal natives from oppression and outrage on the part
of Her Majesty's demoralised white subjects in New South Wales, [p3114]
Adjournment, Protection of Aborigines [pp1314-1318]
House
adjourned at 23 minutes before 1 o'clock a.m.
Parliamentary Votes and Proceedings, "Aboriginal natives"
Legislative
Council.
Wednesday,
30 June, 1880.
Aboriginal
Natives—Church and School Lands Dedication Bill (No. 2)—Volunteer Land
Orders Hill—Messages from Assembly Bill—Wharfage and Tonnage Rates Bill)—
Adjournment (Protection of Aborigines)---Supreme Court Temporary Judge Act
Continuation Bill (Second Reading).
The
President took the chair at
half-past 4 o'clock p.m.
ABORIGINAL
NATIVES. Mr.
C. CAMPBELL asked the Vice-President of
the Executive Council,— Does the Government purpose appointing
protectors of the blacks in the
districts of The Macintyre, The Barwon, The Darling, The Lachlan, The
Murrumbidgee, and The Murray, with a view to
the protection of the aboriginal
natives from
oppression and outrage on the part of Her Majesty's demoralised white
subjects in New South Wales?
Sir
JOHN ROBERTSON replied: It does not seem to me that there is any reason for
the protection of aborigines in the districts named any more than in other
districts. I do not know why they should be selected. I may be permitted to say
that the whole matter of the protection of the aborigines of the colony is under
the consideration of the Government.
Adjournment
PROTECTION
OF ABORIGINES.
Mr.
C. CAMPBELL moved the adjournment of the House in order to make a few remarks
on the subject of the question he had just addressed to the Representative of
the Government. He was pleased to hear that the matter was .under the
consideration of the Government. His own view on this subject was that any
portion of the great body of mankind which had been separated from the rest of
the civilised races for centuries could scarcely be restored to equality.
Therefore it might be supposed that he was indifferent to what was called
civilising the aborigines of this country. He thought they were out of the reach
of the influences of civilisation, and possibly of the influences of
Christianity. But however that might be, the first step to be taken on the part
of the Colonial Government ought to be to protect them from outrage by the
British portion of the community. The reason why he mentioned the five districts
was because there was still a great number of natives in them, and
it would
be useless
to appoint protectors to portions of the colony now
scarcely inhabited by aboriginal natives. Wherever there were rivers abounding
in fish there were still many aborigines ; and he maintained that great wrong to
them might have been averted by the appointment of gentlemen holding the
office of Police Magistrate and having protective powers given to them as in the
colony of South Australia. He alluded particularly to those outrages inflicted
in consequence of the aboriginal women being subjected to the lust of the white
man. About three years ago he was in one of the districts named, when
application was made to the gentleman with whom he was residing by a black to
assist him in recovering his gin who was kept away from him by force. It was
pointed out to the gentleman that he had no power to interfere. He had heard
of a case in which an overseer had promised an aboriginal a quantity of goods,
tobacco, etc., for the labours of his wife, and after obtaining what he sought
with the woman he refused to give the blackfellow the promised articles, and as
the black was importunate, the overseer had him tied to a dray and cruelly
flogged. A few weeks ago there was a good deal of excitement about a black boy
being brought by stockmen into one of the civilised districts. When he was in
the district he spoke of, it was a common practice to buy a black boy
for
£5,
and although doubtless it was an illegal act he did not see that much harm
was done in bringing the boys into contact with the white population. But the
fact that they were liable to such illegal acts showed how necessary it was to
give them such protection as that contemplated in the question.
Motion made, and question proposed.
Sir JOHN ROBERTSON hardly knew what his honorable
and learned friend had in his mind when he put the question, unless it were
the buying and selling of black boys, of which he seemed to approve. For his own
part, he had a great objection to the practice, and if the facts could be proved
the Government would do all in their power to put it down. But it was denied;
and who knew whether it was true or not ? He had no sympathy with those who
bartered in human flesh. It was usually put forward that the Governments and
the people of the colony had not been
good to the blacks; and he quite agreed with his
honorable friend that they might have done more good to them. But having had
experience in other colonies, especially in Queensland, he could say that
our squatters never treated the blacks here as they
had been treated in that
part of Australia. No
one in the Chamber had been so much
in the backwoods as he and Mr. Ogilvie ; but he defied any one to say that our
squatters refused the
blacks
permission
to "come in," as
it was
called, which refusal
was the
practice in
the northern colony.
When he was
out in that country, having
large stations there, he
endeavoured to put down the
practice of debarring the blacks from the stations, but he found it out of his
power to resist it. If
one man had 15 or 18 square miles of territory and others had the same areas
adjoining, What
was to become of these poor
blacks if they were not allowed on the land?
In New South Wales he usually made friends with a prominent member of the
tribe and gave him sufficient consideration to make peace with
the blacks,
and there was no instance in which they were refused
to "come in" on the run. He knew the proprietors of runs in this
colony had almost
invariably been
exceedingly kind to the blacks.
True, some of the convict servants,
in olden times, were
very cruel to these people ; and their
conduct was very different from that of their employers. The honorable member said the districts
mentioned required peculiar consideration in reference to the blacks. But we had to go only 3 miles from Sydney to find
blacks who required protection more than those in any other district.
Let him go to Rose Bay and there he would see young children—of course
in the guardianship of their parents— and any man might
have them for a shilling. He could not understand why the Police Magistrate did not take the
children from the women and put them into the Reformatory. A few days ago a clergyman came to him
at the head of a deputation, to
represent the manner in which these people were
treated in the interior,
and this case at Rose Bay was
brought under his notice. No power was given to
issue
prosecution, but it
was pointed out
that the
Government had an
establishment near these
women to which the
children might be
taken. Although we might not
have done so much as we ought to have done for the blacks,
at any rate
they received rations
sufficient for their support; they also received
clothing, and blankets had always been supplied to them. If, however, the
blankets were given to them earlier than June, they sold them, and if they were
given later people complained if the cold weather came in a little sooner than
usual. What can be done with people who could not in these small matters take
care of themselves? The other day a gentleman came to him to recommend the
establishment of a school for aborigines in The Murrumbidgee district, and he
immediately authorised the school without troubling about the mode of action
or whether it came within the rule or not. The honorable member said we ought to
appoint a Police Magistrate to protect the blacks. Some of them had been
provided for, and a boat was given to
them, but they quarrelled about it and it
had to be given into the custody of the local Police Magistrate. The general
matter might well be left in the hands of the Government, and at the present
time they were giving it anxious consideration. It was, however, a difficult
problem. We could not pretend to provide schools for them, or to improve their
morals; they had no idea of morality. In the case the honorable and learned
member referred to, the complaint of the aboriginal was not that his gin was
the victim of immorality, but that he derived no profit from it. If we wanted to
save the poor young children he had mentioned, their cases should be brought
before the Police Court, and if the mothers were unfit to have charge of them,
the children ought to be put in the Reformatory. We had a suitable place for
them, capable of accommodating twenty-five girls, and there were now only four
inmates. It was a discredit to the magistracy of the country that the
children were not better cared for. It would be an act of philanthropy for some
one to look after them. The Government were certainly not amenable to the
complaints made by the honorable member.
Mr.
OGILVIE said the subject was one with which he was conversant, having passed a
large portion of his life in the backwoods and taken a great interest in the
aborigines. He quite agreed with the Vice-President of the Executive Council [Sir
John Robertson.]
that
it was exceedingly difficult to know what ought to be done with these people.
Neither the colonists nor the Government could be charged with having illtreated
them, though the Government perhaps had not done as much as it might have done
in their behalf. They who knew most about the matter must be aware that the
great agency in effecting the misery and destruction of the blacks was the
intoxicating liquor they obtained, and every means practicable should be taken
to prevent it from being supplied to them. Parliament had passed a law
prohibiting the practice, but the law remained a dead-letter, sufficient trouble
not having been taken to give it force. If the police in the different districts
were strongly enjoined to watch public-houses in order to procure convictions
for this offence, an improved state of the condition of the blacks might be
brought about. But he had known even Police Magistrates to supply them with
intoxicating drinks. He had known a Police Magistrate to speak of the
prohibitory
law as an improper one, more righteous to break than to observe. In the
districts where these things took place it was not likely that the police would
take much trouble to enforce the law. Something might be done to compel these
officers to do their duty in this respect. With regard to the female children ho
thought the suggestion of the Vice-President of the Executive Council was right,
that they should be taken away from parents who were found willing to trade them
in the way ho described. But he would not advocate their entire separation from
their parents by shutting them up in reformatories to which the mothers had no
access. Although the mothers might not be fit to be trusted with their children
in this respect, as a matter of fact they had great affection for them, and to
be deprived of them would inflict great grief and sorrow. Therefore ho thought
it desirable that the children should be taken from the parents and put under
proper control, the parents being allowed access to them. Institutions of this
kind had been established in South Australia for several years; the children
were gathered together in schools and taken care of. If anything of that kind
could be done for the aboriginal children of this colony it would be highly
desirable. Any attempts
Mr. FOSTER thought the state of the aboriginal inhabitants of the colony was a blot on the British name. We came here as British subjects and took up the country in millions of acres appropriating it to our own use, and the smallness of the amount we had contributed to the welfare of those we dispossessed was disgraceful. When we saw the state in which they were placed we could not acquit ourselves of blame. The wrong no doubt was one of neglect rather than of illtreatment. The blacks here had not been so badly treated as in other countries. The people could not escape the blame of neglect by throwing it on the Government, though a great deal might have been, and had not been, done by the Government, who even now might do more. The honorable and learned member, Mr. Charles Campbell, suggested that some officers like protectors of the blacks should be appointed, and this was reasonable. How could these people who did not know right from wrong know how to protect themselves ? Were they to be left to the philanthropy of persons whose interference was looked on as officious? These aborigines were expected to subject themselves to the laws of the country and to have the benefit of those laws. They did not know what benefit the laws afforded, and surely we might appoint persons to see what protection could be given to them. If there had been a protector of the blacks near Sydney he might have prevented the abuse of the children referred to by the Vice-President of the Executive Council. It was a breach of the law, according to the ages of the children, and would subject the perpetrators to severe penalties. A person whose business it was to protect the children might avert the evil to a very great extent. Not long ago the same thing was going on in the interior, and a philanthropic gentleman spoke of it to the police and they said it was not their business to interfere, not being instructed to do so. He spoke to the Superintendent of the district, and under that officer's authority the infamous state of things was put down. The camps of the blacks had been used in a way that was a disgrace to any Christian country. If the laws were put in force more zealously, the blacks would be in a better position ; nine-tenths of the wrongs they suffered were not owing to any defect in the law, but to the want of vigour in its administration. Nothing could be more philanthropic and more consistent with our duty as a Christian people, than to strive to enable these tribes to know the benefits of the law under which they lived. The appointment of officers, like the protectors of the blacks in Victoria and South Australia, to look after these people, and see that they were not wronged, would admit of the law being carried out effectively. He could not agree with what fell from Mr. Ogilvie as to the utter impossibility of doing anything to christianise the blacks. Efforts of that kind had and were now being made by philanthropic individuals and were exceedingly successful. It was true that the blacks had little idea of morality in our sense of the word; but it was true they had feelings like those of other human beings, which were being outraged every day. A gentleman who devoted himself to their interests told him that lately one of these unfortunate girls requested his protection from the brutality to which she was subjected by her tribe. She was put with others under protection. He did not think it likely that the whole of the blacks could be christianised; but something might be done in individual cases, and he was glad that a society was established for that purpose, and to this the Government might very properly give a little encouragement. The
main thing, however, was that the Government should deal with the matter having respect to their own powers ; and by the appointment of protectors...
1882
Supply
of alcohol to Aborigines forbidden
Licensing
Act 1882 (45 Vic. No. 14) [Repealed by Act
18, 1898] (supply to aboriginal natives of any age forbidden. Mc)
Parliamentary Votes and Proceedings, Provision for Aborigines
Legislative
Council Provision for Aborigines [20 Sept 1882] (p473)
1882 Select
Committee; Aboriginal mission stations
Checklist
of Royal Commissions Select Committees of Parliament and Boards of Inquiry, Index
NSW 1855-1960; "Inquiry into working of aboriginal mission stations at
Warangesda and Maloga (23.6.1882) (8.8.1882), NSW
Pp. 1883 (v.3) 937-941
1883
Legislative Assembly; 21 February 1883
Parliamentary Votes and Proceedings, Ministerial Statement, Treatment of Aborigines
4 Jan 1883
Adjournment. [ASSEMBLY]
PAGE MISSING (Page 31)
Sir HENRY PARKES : I cannot help the honorable gentleman saying "No." I allow him to say the most outrageous things and I never say " No." Surely then the honorable gentleman will allow me to make an explanation ! That explanation is that this office was created in the interests of the blacks, and that Mr. Thornton was appointed to it as a gentleman whom we believed to be in every way qualified to look after the interests of these people. With regard to the allegation that these people were left in a stale of starvation on Christmas day, or any other day, I am sure honorable members will at once know that all I can do in such a case is to apply a remedy when I am made acquainted with the evil. When I received from the honorable member a letter informing me of this case 1 did not lose, a single hour in causing an inquiry to be made.
Mr. McELHONE: Hear, hear!
Sir HENRY PARKES: I caused inquiry to be made of the Protector of the Aborigines, and I specially sent a police officer to inquire into the allegations brought under my notice by the honorable member. I gave instructions that whatever was required for the necessities and comfort of these people should be supplied, without reference to anybody else. I ask the House. what more could I or any other person possibly do? it seems to me, to say the least of it—I will not say an ungracious thing, because I cannot expect anything gracious from the honorable member—but it does seem a most unjustifiable thing to make an affected interest in these unfortunate people a means of heaping insult and untruthful representation upon me.
Mr. McELHONE, in explanation : I should state that the honorable gentleman's colleague, the Colonial Treasurer, instructed Mr. Hill to supply the aborigines at Botany with rations. Mr. Hill, although not legally appointed to the office of Protector of the Aborigines, voluntarily discharged its duties for a period of two years, at the end of which time Mr. George Thornton received the appointment he now holds, Mr. Hill receiving no notice that his services would no longer be required.
Question resolved in the affirmative. House adjourned at l.25 p.m.
1884
Parliamentary Votes and Proceedings; the Aborigines Protection Board
[17
April 1884] Legislative Assembly
“Aborigines
Protection Board.
Proposed
vote, .£6,600.
Mr.
O'CONNOR drew attention to the item, ‘Aid to Association for Protection of
Aborigines in
proportion of £2 for
every £1 raised by private contributions, .£2,000.’
The aborigines were the true
natives of the colony, but by our audacity and by
the spirit of adventure of our race had supplanted them. We had taken lands from them, and we were bound to attend to
the wants of those who were left.
It was a dishonor to the country that a vote for the sustenance of the
aborigines should
be granted conditionally on the public subscribing an amount equal
to half of that which was
voted by Parliament.
In the
name of common humanity and
the dignity of our race, was this right?
The aborigines had no special representative in this Assembly, they
had no
particular interest
in the country,
but he
hoped that
honorable members would be animated by a spirit of fairness and honesty,
and refuse to
agree this vote with the
condition to which objected. Suppose
a sum of £1,000 I not subscribed by the public !
AN HonORAble MEmBer
:
More
shame to the public!
Mr.
O'CONNOR : The poor
blackfellow would go without blankets
and with out food.
Mr.
R. H. D. WhitE
: A great
many of them are
without food and
blankets
now
!
Mr.
O'CONNOR : More shame on us! Was it not dishonoring and humiliating for
the vote to be submitted to Parliament the condition to which he referred?
We ought to make provision for the protection of the aborigines
without any such stipulation. All nations which had invaded other countries had
made ample provision for the people whom they supplanted. The people of
England were taxed to the extent of .£20,000,000 for the liberation of the
blacks of the West Indies. It was unbecoming of a free and £ prosperous country
like this to surround a Vote for the protection of the aborigines with a
condition which was not applied to any other vote, and he asked the Colonial
Secretary to withdraw the condition attached to the item to which he had drawn
his attention.
Mr.
STUART : I am quite sure the Committee will re-echo to a great extent the views
put forward by my impetuous friend, the honorable member for West Sydney. One
would imagine from the way in which the honorable member hurled indignant
remonstrances against the manner in which this vote has been placed upon
the Estimates that the Government were placing greater restrictions upon the
expenditure of the money. The honorable member will recollect that in the year
before last there appeared upon the Estimates for the first time a vote for
the laudable purpose of aiding the aborigines —excepting of course the annual
vote for blankets, which is included in the Stores Department. I find that when
the vote was under consideration last session I said :
‘Last
year was the first time that any care at all was shown towards the aborigines,
and then a secretary was appointed, whose salary was paid out of the advance
vote.’
In
1882 a sum of .£200 was voted for a secretary to the Aborigines Protection
Board, and last year the sum of 3,600 was placed upon the Estimates for the
purpose of protecting these persons. The vote appeared upon the Estimates in
this form : "Aid to the Association for the Protection of the Aborigines,
.£2,000 ; towards the formation of stations and otherwise in aid of the
aborigines, £1,000." With regard to the first of these items, it became
a question in what proportion the amount voted should be paid. It is customary
for the Government to aid institutions having benevolent objects in view m the
proportion of.£1 to £1; some are aided in the proportion of 10s. to £1. I
believe that my honorable friend, Sir John Robertson, is the patron of the
Society for the Protection of the Aborigines, and the honorable gentleman
stated, at a public meeting of that society, that he would recommend the
Government of which he was a member to contribute .£2 for every .£1 raised by
the society. That proposal, however, fell through, and the amount was not placed
upon the Estimates. Last year £2,000 was voted, and that vote appears upon the
Estimates now before us. But .£1,000 was also voted without any restriction
whatever. The Board for the Protection of the Aborigines were allowed to deal
with that sum. In the first instance, the Honorable George Thornton was
appointed Protector of the Aborigines ; but as the work opened up it was found
desirable to intrust to a board the duties of the protector. That board
consisted
of six members, of which the Honorable George Thornton was elected the first
chairman. He has since
resigned, but the
board
is carried on; and
the Committee are now asked to vote £4,000 in lieu of the £1,000 which
was voted
last year. The honorable
member for West Sydney (Mr. O'Connor), who addresses us on this subject in
such an impassioned manner,
may be correct in saying that the total vote of £6,000
is unworthy of the dignity
of the
nation and
the liberality
of the House; but the
sum of £4,000 is
three times as much as the sum voted
last year for the board to dispose of
as they think proper. In
addition to the distribution of this vote, however, the board has the control
of the blankets, the money for which is voted under
the Stores Department. The Society for the Protection of the
Aborigines has
formed certain stations,
which are called mission stations, with the benevolent object of endeavouring in
some measure to raise the social and moral status of the aborigines. I was only
too glad to find that
my predecessors
in office had taken up this
matter, and I hope that the House will continue to vote money in assistance of
so benevolent a design. In establishing these stations the society interweaves
with their benevolent object the
imparting of
religious instruction and duties. This is a
work which the state cannot undertake. Whether for good or for evil the state has decided that it will not
interfere in religious matters. But
this society, while it is doing work of a
religious and moral character, is at the same time carrying out
a highly
benevolent work ; and the state is willing
to aid the society, not by way of granting aid to religion but in order to take advantage of the benevolent instincts of the association
to do something towards
improving the social and moral welfare of the aborigines. I have no doubt that the society will raise the £l,000, and if it does
so it will be the channel for the expenditure of the £2,000 contributed by the
Government towards the objects of the institution. The
Aborigines Protection Board will have placed at their disposal £4,000 for the furtherance of
a most useful work. I
commend for the perusal of
honorable members the report of the board, which I laid upon the table the other
day. When they have digested that report I am sure they will come to the
conclusion that the board is beginning a really good work —a
work which I quite agree
with the honorable member
for West Sydney (Mr. O’Connor) ought to have been mm. many years ago if
the country had been alive to its duty in this matter. But it is better to begin
late than never. I do not think it would be prudent to place on the Estimates at
once a large sum for this purpose. Let the board go on with their work. Last year
they had £1,000 at their disposal, this year they will have £4,000. If
next year it is found that they satisfactorily appropriate a larger sum of money, I
feel satisfied that they will not appeal in vain to the generosity of this
House.
Mr. GARRARD said that the honorable member for West Sydney (Mr.O'Connor) did not appear to have examined these items very attentively, but he was glad that the honorable member had referred to the matter. His eloquent language would, perhaps, have the effect of reminding some honorable members their duty as the descendents of those who first took possession of this land towards the survivors of the aboriginal race. The honorable member seemed to have been under the impression that it was necessary for the Association for the Protection of the Aborigines to raise £1,000 before they were entitled to receive any of the £2,000 which appeared upon this vote, hut he took it that the society would receive £2 for every £1 they raised. The whole colony was under a debt of gratitude to those gentlemen who had in first instance established mission stations, for the improvement of the conditions of the aborigines. Their action appeared to have awakened the country to a sense of' its responsibility in the matter. He believed that Mr. Matthews, of Maloga, initiated the work.
Mr.
Farnell : Efforts were made
forty-five years ago !
Mr.
GARRARD : But the first systematic and successful
effort was
made by Mr. Matthews,
and it
was repeated at
the Warangesda Station. The
Association for the Protection of the Aborigines had
taken into its care the
conduct of these two stations, and it
was pleasing to
know that
a number
of charitably disposed persons
had contributed to the cost of
their maintenance, and
that the Government now saw their way to place at
the disposal of the
Aborigines Protection
Board a sum of £4,000 instead of the
£1,000 voted
last year. He shared in the regret
expressed by
the honorable member for West Sydney (Mr.O’Connor) that
some steps
were not taken
long ago to brighten the last days of an expiring race. The
expenditure of this
vote, however, would go some way towards
wiping out
the disgrace which had hitherto attached to the colony by reason
of its neglect
to care for the Welfare of these unfortunate wretches - for wretched
in the
extreme they certainly were.
He hoped, however, that the board
would exercise such
influence as it possessed
to prevent the blacks from coming into
the centres of population,
where they saw nothing but worst side of our civilisation. They would be
far better
off in the country districts.
A
number of the unfortunate people had been wandering about the streets of
the metropolis during the past weeks. The annual distribution of blankets which was made on the 24th May appeared to
have attracted them to the city earlier than usual. He cheerfully
voted
for the increased estimate.
Mr.
B. H. D. WHITE was also very pleased that the vote had been increased. He
was satisfied
that only a very few members of
the House were acquainted with the deplorable condition of the
aborigines. Many of them could not obtain sufficient to eat,
and were reduced to a state almost of
starvation. He
had discovered that some blacks had lately died at Port Stephens
in a state of absolute
destitution. The
few blacks
who were able to earn a living were eaten
out of camp by the others. He
intended to bring under the notice of the board the state of want to which the
blacks in his electorate —and there were a great many—were
reduced; and he hoped that there
would next year be a further increase in the vote.
Mr. GARRETT intended to support the vote; but he objected to the organisation
for the expenditure of the money. He had no confidence in voluntary boards so
far as the expenditure of public money was concerned. It would be far better to
leave the expenditure of the money in the hands of a responsible minister ;
under the present arrangement
that responsibility was
frittered away through the Minister to the
under-secretary, and through the
undersecretary to a board who were not paid for their services.
He believed that
Mr.
FREMLIN could not support this
vote, because he did not believe that as a rule the expenditure of the money
had the beneficial effect which it
was supposed to have. As
regarded the blacks at Botany, he was aware that they had been supplied with
boats and fishing lines and other means of gaining a livelihood; but this
distribution had been attended by the most disappointing results. They were too prone to
exchange for grog everything which was given to
them. He could not help
expressing his contempt for the ill-judged sympathy with the blacks which was
manifested by some members of the board whose names it was quite unnecessary to
mention. When the House
sanctioned the
expenditure of so large a
sum of money we had a right to expect that
the board would take some more definite action. It was a disgrace to the community that the blacks should come into our
centres of population exposing
their peculiar vices side by side
with the vices of our own people. . The
honorable member for
Balmain (Mr. Garrard) had
expressed some very benevolent sentiments as to our duty towards the aboriginal
race; but if
England were
to take
it upon herself
to provide
food and clothing for the aboriginal race
of every country of which she took possession she would have more than enough to do. Many of the
Mr. BARBOUR said there were doubtless good and bad aboriginals as there were also good and bad white men; but under any circumstances we should consider the welfare of the children of the aboriginals who were receiving education, combined with domestic training, in the institutions which were referred to. It had been observed that the blacks were given to habits of intemperance; but there were many white men who rendered themselves objectionable upon this score, and we had no right to expect that the blacks would be absolutely free from vices of this description. We could certainly do a great deal towards enabling them to become useful members of society, and in this respect the mission stations were carrying out a very important work. The girls in these institutions, he believed, were taught to sew, while the boys were trained in various descriptions of farm-work. He had had frequent opportunities of observing the working of these institutions, and he felt persuaded that they were of great utility.
Mr. O'CONNOR said that the money was either necessary or not. If not, it ought not to appear on the Estimates. If it was necessary, it ought not to be dependent upon any contingency whatever. That we had improved upon what was done by our predecessors was to a certain extent creditable to ourselves; but if our predecessors had neglected to do their duty to the aborigines that was no reason why we should do it badly if we did it at all. There was not a more charitable member in the House than the honorable member for Redfern (Mr. Fremlin), yet that honorable member said that we ought to let the aborigines starve because some of them were not pure blacks. If they were not pure blacks, it was because of the viciousness of the whites. We ought to take these people under our tender care. The honorable members asked what the British did in the parts of the world where their power was predominant; but he would point out that in no part of the world did the British nation rule so cheaply as here. In other colonies standing armies had to be maintained ; but in Australia we had nothing more to do than to preserve the emblems of peace. We had only to make a provision for those unfortunate aborigines, who are rapidly dying out. It must be known to the Colonial Secretary that innumerable complaints had been made about these people being in want. Why were they allowed to get into that condition? They had not the power to take care of themselves, and we ought to provide them with their necessities in every possible way. We were called upon by every feeling of humanity to do it, and he hoped the Colonial Secretary would withdraw the condition upon which the money was to be granted. He would be glad if the Colonial Secretary would tell him who the members of the board were.
Mr.
STUART: I understood that the honorable member had read the report which the
names of the six members of the board are attached. There is a board, consisting of
six members, for the protection of the aborigines. There is also voluntary
society, of which the honorable